IV.   Mass Belief Systems and Ideology: Does the Public Think Ideologically? 

 

1.       Philip Converse. "The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics," in David E. Apter (ed.), Ideology and Discontent. (Seminal piece on mass belief systems, ideology, and sophistication. An “eat your vegetables” piece.) Skim.

2.       Mark Peffley and Jon Hurwitz. 1985. "A Hierarchical Model of Attitude Constraint." American Journal of Political Science, 29: 871-90.
OR Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured?  A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review, 81(4) (December, 1987): 1099-1120.

3.       Stanley Feldman. 1988. “Structure and Consistency in Public Opinion: The Role of Core Beliefs and Values.” American Journal of Political Science, 32: 416-40.

4.       John Zaller and Stanley Feldman. 1992. "A Simple Theory of the Survey Response: Answering Questions or Revealing Preferences?" American Journal of Political Science, 36(3): 579-616.

5.       Thomas E. Nelson and Donald Kinder. 1996. “Issue Frames and Group-Centrism in American Public Opinion.” The Journal of Politics 58(4): 1055-78.

 

Discussion Questions for Mass Belief Systems and Ideology  

 

Converse, "The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics"

1.       Be sure to read the relevant section of the Kinder chapter (“Attitude and Action in the Realm of Politics”) assigned the first week for an overview of the literature on this topic. Note that, generally speaking, beginning with the political tolerance literature, the authors have been erecting various standards to assess the competence of the ordinary citizen. Is he or she politically tolerant? Informed? Are attitudes structured and ideological? Later: do they vote intelligently?  In all these areas, we see an amazing amount of growth in the conceptualization, measurement, design and theories used in this research. 

2.       Converse’s chapter on mass belief systems is a classic. Virtually every topic covered in this chapter –on mass belief systems, ideology, levels of conceptualization, attitude stability, and ideological constraint--became the subject of an intense debate and research. To begin, Why study the structure of mass belief systems? What are the normative, analytical, and practical benefits? How does Converse evaluate the competence of the ordinary citizen? How does he reach this position? Is this a fair assessment, in your view? Is holding an ideological belief system either a necessary or sufficient condition for adequately understanding politics? For advancing one’s interests in the political system? Do you agree with his position? Why or why not?

3.       How does Converse define such things as ideology, belief systems, and ideological constraint? How are these terms, especially ideological or attitude constraint, measured? What three types of ideological constraint does Converse discuss? How would you evaluate Converse’s measure of attitude constraint? What about as a measure of political sophistication?  In what ways is it likely to over- or under-estimate true levels of attitude constraint among the mass public? Why? How do the other readings bear on this issue?

4.       Others (e.g., Jennifer Hochschild) have used depth interviews of a smaller number of respondents as an alternative way to assess ideological thinking (or mass belief systems) among ordinary citizens. What are the relative advantages and disadvantages of using in-depth interviews versus Converse’s approach? Must we choose between the two approaches?

Peffley and Hurwitz:

1.       What implications do the studies by Peffley and Hurwitz (or Hurwitz and Peffley) have for the way we study mass beliefs systems? Specifically, how is their approach different from that of Converse? How is it similar? Do they focus on vertical or horizontal constraint, shared structures or idiographic ones, social, psychological or logical constraint?

2.       Peffley and Hurwitz assume that issue attitudes are shaped by more general, abstract idea elements, but what about the reverse? What about external influences of belief systems?

3.       To what extent is their study time-bound? Static? How might you update this study? What are the limitations of this approach to assessing attitude structure? What problems do you see with this study? How might you apply this study to your area of interest and to contemporary politics?

Feldman, “The Role of Core Beliefs and Values”

1.       What exactly are core beliefs and values? Why are they expected to be central elements in mass belief systems? In what way do they help to define a political culture?

2.       What core beliefs and values are likely to play an important role in other policy domains?

3.       What are the likely sources of the core beliefs and values studied by Feldman? Whose interests do they serve?

4.       Feldman assumes that core beliefs and values influence more specific attitudes, but what about the reverse? 

Zaller and Feldman:

1.       This is a classic and heavily cited article that seeks to provide a new theory of the survey response and, in the process, provides something of a compromise between two views on response stability by Converse (errors are in respondents) and Achen (errors are in measures). In developing their theory of the survey response, Zaller and Feldman distinguish between explanations of response instability by Converse and Achen.  What are the differences between these two explanations and the problems with each? In what ways does the Zaller and Feldman’s model agree with and yet depart from each of these two explanations?

2.       What are the three axioms of Zaller and Feldman’s theory of the survey response and where do they come from?

3.       Overall, how would you assess the fit of the model (and its 18 deductions!) with the survey data the authors explore?

4.       What are some of the broader implications of the theory for the way public opinion should be studied, for studying response stability, persuasion, and democracy? Are survey responses “real,” or just epiphenomenal constructions? How malleable or fixed is public opinion? How does the model help to provide an individual-level explanation for issue framing by elites? What implications does the model have for the fluidity of building coalitions of support or opposition among the public? What implications does the model have for helping to explain media influence on public opinion?

5.       Pick an issue on which public opinion has moved or hasn’t moved and do your best to apply this theory to explain public opinion on this issue.

6.       How might you critique this theory? Does it have enough axioms? Do the deductions follow directly from the axioms?  Can it be tested rigorously? Can it be falsified?   

7.       Questions to ponder now and later: The model, which is admittedly sparse, borrows selectively from theories of information processing, attitude change, framing and so on.  If one advantage of the model is parsimony, what are some of the costs of relying on this more abbreviated model? What is the range and the power of the model, in your view?  More generally, what are some of the major problems with the model, as you see them, both theoretically and in its application?

Nelson and Kinder:

8.       What are the theoretical contributions of Nelson and Kinder analysis for thinking about the structure of mass belief systems, and the origins of public opinion? How does it deviate from or reinforce Converse’s conclusions? How does it improve upon other studies of mass belief systems we read this week?

9.       To what extent does the authors’ empirical analysis deliver on the theoretical promise of the article? Why or why not? What problems do you see with this article?

10.   How might you apply this and other studies read this week to your area of interest and to contemporary politics?