CYBER WRITING AS URBAN FASHION: THE CASE OF ANNI BAOBEI
XIN YANG
COLLEGE OF WILLIAM AND MARY
This paper explores the cultural implications of “cyber writing”
in China as it is related to the urban fashion of the “petty bourgeois” (xiaozi) frenzy at the turn of the new
century. I specifically examine Anni Baobei, one of the famous cyber writers,
and her success as an urban xiaozi
symbol through her cyber writing. Though Anni Baobei demystified the
deceptively rosy fantasy of cyber/urban escape in her novella Goodbye Vivan, she herself nevertheless has
been disseminated as a new, stylish urban figure in both cyber and urban spaces.
Cyber writing, or wangluo xiaoshuo, emerged as an exciting
literary and cultural phenomenon in fin
de siècle China. The internet expanded literary space and enabled more
people to publicize their writings. The
results challenged the conventional concepts of writing and writers. However, in
China’s social context at the end of the 20th century, internet
access belonged only to socially and culturally privileged groups. Both
cyberspace and cyber writing have become symbols of the “petty bourgeois”
(xiaozi) or “middle class”, and the stylish escapist imagery has been
peddled endlessly in commercial markets.
Such imagery has also been deployed by the media to appeal to the
collective aspiration for the good life at a time when China has been trying to
integrate itself with the outside world economically.
As a
famous cyber writer, Anni Baobei is an interesting case of how cyber writing
circulated the xiaozi fantasy and
became stylish itself. Fashionable and tempting, the space of internet fiction
is nevertheless neither as emancipatory nor escapist as first appearances
suggest, as the virtual cannot be separated from the reality. To demonstrate
this, I will focus on Anni Baobei’s novella Goodbye Vivian (Gaobei
Wei’an), in which the dialectic between urban- and cyber-space is delineated
and a critical space is opened to demystify the deceptively rosy fantasy of the
“petty bourgeois.” [1]
Cyber Writing and Petty Bourgeoisie
At the
turn of the new century, the emergence of the cyberspace as a literary media
was a new phenomenon in the Chinese literary field. Everybody who had access to
the internet could post their writings on an online blog, discussion forum and
in chat rooms. Such opportunities were traditionally limited to those who could
secure scarce space in newspaper or journals. As a result, the internet
provided an alternative space for writers to publicize their literary identity.
A large group of “internet writing fellows” (xieshou) emerged. Some set up their own website, and communicated
with the readers through bulletin boards, chat rooms and email. [2] Some had their writings and pictures posted
on the internet. Some unconventional (linglei)
writers could not secure a legitimate space in the traditional
journals and publishing houses, so the virtual space became the only way for
them to make their writings available to readers. [3]
Some writers, such as Anni Baobei, were directly engaged in writing and
publishing novels on the internet. These writers enjoyed certain popularity
among people who regularly surfed the web. Their writings were widely read
across the internet.
Cyberspace also offered an alternative path, a
shortcut to some extent, for people to approach the mainstream literary space. As more people uploaded their writings online, publishers started to collect
the writings from the internet and compiled them into books. Zhishi chubanshe (Knowledge publishing
house) brought forth the “E-age” series. Chunfeng
wenyi chubanshe (Spring breeze
publishing house) tried to discover new novelists through the internet and
compiled the “Youth, Love” series. Zhongguo
wenlian chubanshe (Chinese
Literature Association) also had published “selected works of the new age cyber
fiction.”
As more and more writings
appeared over the internet, a term “internet literature” (wangluo wenxue), or cyber writing, came into view. It is vague,
however, what kind of writings can be labeled as internet fiction. According to
Zhongguo dangdai wenxueshi (History
of contemporary Chinese literature), cyber writing includes three categories:
the conventional literary works that are scanned and loaded onto the internet,
writings that are enabled by technology (such as the hyperlink packed
articles), and writings that are directly written for and publicized on the
internet.[4]
Due to
the media in which this writing was written and disseminated, that is the media
of cyberspace, cyber writing has taken on a different cultural significance
from traditional writing. The general views of cyberspace focus on the utopian
and dystopian roles that the internet plays in people’s life. The utopian view
emphasizes the anywhere/ anytime/anybody function of the technology-enabled
cyberspace that breaks the boundaries of social framework and allows people to
realize the impossible in real life. [5]
The dystopian
view-holders emphasize the cyberspace’s role in compartmentalizing individuals
in real life. Cyberspace enables distant communication. Yet when individuals
make contact through the computer network rather than face-to-face
communication, they are partially isolated and disconnected from real life. [6]
Kevin Robins demystified cyberspace and
located it in the broader social and political contexts in which cyberspace is
constructed, and argued that real life issues, such as racial, ethical, gender
problems, still exist in cyberspace.[7]
These
arguments approach cyberspace from different perspectives and offer theoretical
frameworks on internet politics. Nevertheless, the “utopian, dystopian and
heterotopian possibilities” of the cyberspace are situated in mature capitalist
societies.[8]
China, however, is a developing country where the market economy has only
recently taken off. How should we understand the meaning of the internet in
China where the unbalanced regional growth and wealth gap remain serious
issues? What role does cyberspace play in the social context in which the
socialist ideology still has a powerful influence? These
issues are directly related to the imaginary of cyberspace in the urban reality
and fictional narrative. To answer these
questions, I would like to examine who had access to the internet in China at
the turn of the century, when the internet just started booming.
According
to the statistics collected by China Internet Network Information Center
(CNNIC) in 2000, the internet users were 8,900,000, 6.8% of the total
population. 85.8% of the internet users were young people between eighteen and
thirty-five years old. Eighty-four percent had a college or above level of
education. About 66 % of the internet surfers were concentrated in the
economically developed big cities in coastal areas. [9]
From the statistics, we can see
that those who can regularly
use the internet constituted a small proportion of the population. The internet was available primarily to a group of urban-based people
who belonged to a culturally, financially or socially elite class. The big cities have better access
to the global opportunities in terms of profession, technology, and facilities.
Most of the technical problems of the internet require higher level training,
and the internet fee was relatively expensive,
compared with the average income of the common people. Because of these basic
requirements for internet users, it was natural that young people with higher
income and college students with convenient school facilities became the major
faction of the internet users. The former belonged to the petty bourgeoisie (xiaozi) and the latter to the potential
members of the xiaozi.
The concept of xiaozi was not produced
overnight. The
emergence and popularity of xiaozi was
related to three factors. The first was the de-revolutionized daily life. For the first part of the twentieth century, xiaozi was related to class struggle and
revolutionary politics. It was in
opposition to the peasants, the major force of the socialist revolution. The
negative implication of xiaozi did
not disappear until the economic development and the pursuit of wealth were
legitimized in the reform era. The second factor was the newly emergent urban class,
such as the white-collar professionals, which emerged due to new opportunities
brought about by global capital and commercialization. The third factor was the
circulation and consumption of global commodities. Before xiaozi became a popular term, the media was already constructing the
imaginary of alternative lifestyles and consumption. The cultural input of
Taiwan and Hong Kong songs, pulp fiction and TV soap opera were the prelude to xiaozi discourse. Meanwhile, magazines
such as Cosmopolitan, Rayli and Elle, with high quality pages, introduced in detail concern with
fashion, travel and interior decoration.
What
exactly is petty bourgeoisie? The definition of xiaozi, just as the oft-mentioned term “middle class”, was quite
ambiguous in China’s context. So far nobody gave a precise definition of xiaozi. Yet most people agreed that xiaozi shares some common cultural
experience and consumption styles. Generally speaking, xiaozi
refers to a taste, a lifestyle, an imagination and a conception rather than a
real class in political sense. A xiaozi person likes a big
metropolis like Shanghai, Beijing or Paris. S/he regularly uses the internet.
S/he drinks coffee and likes French cuisine. His/her wardrobe is filled with
brand-name clothes. S/he has Zhang Ailing’s books on her bookshelf. S/he
watches European art performance and listens to Italian violin. [10]
The cultural
commodities that xiaozi identify with
were mostly related to the transnational imagination. Consuming the globally
circulated commodities confirmed xiaozi’s
“taste,” identity and status, and enabled an imagined participation in global
fashion. Nevertheless, most of the Chinese
population are rural peasants and workers. Xiaozi
occupies only a small percentage of the population. Yet the term is related to
such concepts of “good, classy life” as cozy houses, cars, and fashion, and
therefore implies a rosy ideal in the urban public. The media and the
commercial market sold this ideal as an attractive “other.”
In the
urban xiaozi discourse, the internet
played a double role. It was a media space in which xiaozi fantasy had been enriched and circulated. It was also one of
the many xiaozi imageries. There were
“xiaozi channel,” “xiaozi forum” and “xiaozi fashion” on various websites. As I mentioned before, the internet was one of the facilities that xiaozi possessed. The ownership of and
accessibility to the cyberspace was also a token of social and cultural status.
The internet users were well-maintained new urbanites who could break away from
various social restraints in the cyber communities. Being a member of the
internet users correlated with the adoption of a stylish urban identity. The
internet, just like cars or houses, belonged to the urban fashion (shishang), especially at the turn of the
century, when the practical function of the internet, such as online shopping
and banking, was yet to be developed.
Because cyberspace offered
a rosy illusion, a seemingly free community, it became the main escapist
fantasy, which provided the imagined mobility and communication, yet
unintentionally kept urbanites away from the reality around them. The ambiguous
balance between the cyber illusion and urban reality became an intriguing
topic, which is best embodied in Goodbye
Vivian written by Anni Baobei in 2000. The story is about a man’s
displaced, and therefore tragic, fantasy in the dual reality of the urban and
the cyber. Goodbye Vivian was typical
cyber writing since it was originally written and publicized on the internet.
It was also typical xiaozi text as it
is filled with a detailed description of the stylish urban lifestyle.
Anni Baobei: xiaozi in Cyber/urban Space
Since
both the internet writers and readers were in some sense xiaozi, the cyberspace writings were developed to meet the cultural
and emotional needs of this group of people. This explains why Anni Baobei’s
online novels were very popular among internet surfers. Nothing better embodied
the relation between the internet and xiaozi
imagery than Anni Baobei and her initial online writings. Not only are the protagonists
in Anni Baobei’s writings the stylish city dwellers who frequent shopping malls
and office buildings: the modern urban spaces, but the writer herself displays
good taste in her choice of music, ice cream and casual dress.
Anni Baobei, the cyber/pen name of Li Jie, was always
related with “internet writing.” The transliterated name, “Ann” (anni) plus
“Baby” (baobei), suggests a sense of exoticness, cuteness and feminineness.
Anni Baobei started her writing career online. Her novels, such as Goodbye Vivian and Flowers at the Distant Shore (Bi’an
hua) are full of typical xiaozi imageries.
A girl would always wear a white cotton dress, with her bare feet in sneakers
and silver bracelets on her wrist. A woman would be seen in short-sleeved,
embroidered silk qipao and her
shoulders are wrapped in a pure wool scarf with tassels. The coffee is not
ordinary coffee; it is either cappuccino with cinnamon or Italian double
espresso. The residence is not an ordinary house; its architecture is
European and it is landscaped with parasol trees. The car is not merely a vehicle
of transportation; it is a black BMW with a special plate designating its owner
as foreign.
Anni Baobei admitted that she has more passion for
materials than people.[11]
Her novels can be read as handbook for xiaozi,
teaching people what is really “classy” and how to have “taste.” The online discussion on Anni Baobei goes,
“Wanna be a xiaozi? Read Anni
Baobei’s writings.”[12]
The xiaozi materials, mood and
sentiment, constructed in the fictional narrative, were popularized through
cyberspace and attracted many readers online. When Goodbye Vivian was printed as a book, it was well received
in the market. Within two years, the book had been printed twice.[13]
Anni Baobei herself also became a cultural code, a young (post)modern urban
woman whose identity involved many imaginary that urbanites admired: a free
lance writer (which hints freedom and good income in her case) and elegant
connoisseur (which suggests good taste).
Goodbye Vivian is on cyber romance. White-collar
professional Lin is attracted by a somewhat mysterious girl named Vivian in an
online chat room. In the subway station of the city where he lives, he meets a
girl in black T-shirt whom he believes is Vivian. Meanwhile, he and his
colleague Qiao have an affair out of loneliness. For a while, his cyber/urban,
virtual/real, “romances” are balanced. He keeps a vague good feeling towards
both cyber Vivian and urban Vivian, and detaches himself from his real affairs
with Qiao. The balance is destroyed when Qiao becomes pregnant and Lin refuses
to make any commitment. Qiao commits suicide out of desperation. Her death drives
Lin to question himself and seek out the true identities of both cyber/urban
Vivian. The elegant subway girl, the
urban Vivian, turns out to be a drug-addict, a mistress of a married rich man.
The online Vivian reveals the truth that she lives in a faraway city and she
does not want to meet Lin in person because she wants to keep the beautiful
feeling of their cyber relationship forever. Lin’s cyber/urban fantasy
collapses. He has to leave both Vivians as well as the city he is living in.
The two
“Vivians” embody the dialectical relation between the real and the unreal, the
nearness and the distance, symbolizing a cyber/urban fantasy as well as objects
of male desire. The cyber Vivian provides a virtual connection to the distant
places, a possibility of mobility and a potential virtual adventure. The male
protagonist’s internet romance moves him away from his immediate reality. The
urban Vivian, a girl often seen in the subway, entices the male character to
explore the metropolis. The urban scenes, such as the subway, office building,
coffee house and apartment, constitute each individual scene in the narrative,
highlighting the melancholy urbanites and their ambiguous desire. In Lin’s
life, the two Vivian are more real in his self-absorbed reality. His is
obsessed with his daily online chat with one Vivian and his urban encounters
with another one. The loneliness, melancholy and sentiment as well as various
modern urban imageries are the trademark of Anni Baobei’s writings. They are
the symbols that the urban petty bourgeoisie people identify with both
culturally and emotionally.
Since
neither Vivian is real, the male fantasy of a cyber/urban Vivian cannot be
fulfilled. The pessimistic ending
demystifies a cyber/urban fantasy: as the protagonist pursues the intangible,
he loses what is at hand, and eventually, his whole city reality. The mental
attachment to the distant “other” enabled by the cyberspace and detachment from
the reality were the common attributes of urban xiaozi. As one critic
commented, what xiaozi liked were
“past tense” and “future tense.”[14] The former include some deliberately created
nostalgia, such as Shanghai of the 1930s, when Shanghai then was related to the
westernization; and the latter refers to the aspiration to share in the grandeur
of economically advanced foreign countries, embodied by foreign-brand commodities.
It is the future tense because the expensive consumption was not common at a
time when the majority of the Chinese population were still concerned with the
basic problems of living. “Xiaozi
know what is happening in Paris and New York better than what is happening
around them.” commented Li Jingze, vice-editor-in-chief of People’s Literature. [15]
Xiaozi’s taste was built on the
imagination of “other” and the obsession of self in the imagined community. What
they ignored was the “here” and “now” reality. Therefore, xiaozi was criticized as narcissistic, self-centered, pretentious
and vain.
Nevertheless, xiaozi
still remains an attractive image in the media and the commercial market.
Starbuck’s Coffee is seen on the corners of major Chinese cities. Foreign-branded
commodities, such as Haagen-Dazs,
sell well. Online romance has become increasingly popular as many people place
their personals on the web in hopes of meeting a future date. Anni Baobei let her protagonist
Lin fail as an urban xiaozi, since he
is too obsessed with the unreal. Yet Anni Baobei herself is very successful as
a token of xiaozi. At least, that is
how she and her cyber writings are packaged and sold in the urban market.
Originally
one of the cyberspace celebrities, Anni Baobei soon surpassed other online writing
fellows. Her writing is seen as both alternative literature and as an attempt
to explore the social imagination of an elegant, romantic “other.” [16]
She took advantage of the internet and became a successful symbol of the new
urban petty bourgeoisie woman. Without any commercial promotion or
political propaganda, her writings were well received by internet surfers. Her cyberspace writing won her attention from the publishers. Many
of her online pieces have since been compiled into books, and she also began to
write novels in the traditional way. Her success in cyberspace turned
out to have real world consequences on her life and career. Her current identity
as both an online e-journal editor and a conventional free lance writer proves
that the virtual is not only related to reality, but also capable of changing
the reality outside of it.
Selected Bibliography
“Anni Baobei fangtan: leng yu ren, lian yu
wu” (Anni Baobei interview:
feeling cold towards people and passionate about materials). Beijing qingnian zhoukan (Beijing youth
weekly), 11 November 2004. http://cul.sina.com.cn/s/2004-11-11/92653.html
(accessed December 27, 2004).
Ah Mei. “Xiaozi
wuyu: bushi jiao ni zuo xiaozi” (Petty bourgeois story: not a guide to
becoming petty bourgeois). 8 October 2004. http://www.qdgdb.com/BaiWei/20041008/105642.htm
(accessed December 28, 2004).
China
Internet Network Information Center. “Zhongguo hulianwang fazhan
zhuangkuang tongji baogao”
(Statistical report on internet development in China),
July 2000. http://www.cnnic.net.cn/download/2003/10/13/91748.pdf
(accessed December 24, 2004).
Elwes, Catherine. “Gender and Technology.” Variant 15 (1993), 64-65.
Featherstone, Mike and Roger
Burrows, eds. Cyberspace/Cyberbodies/Cyberpunk.
London: Sage, 1995.
Robin, Kevin. “Cyberspace and
the World We Live in.” In
Cyberspace/Cyberbodies/Cyberpunk, ed. Mike Featherstone and Roger Burrows, 136-155. London: Sage, 1995.
Li Gan,
Xiong Jialiang and Cai Shuxian, eds. Zhongguo
dangdai wenxueshi (History
of contemporary Chinese
literature). Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 2004.
Li Zhengliang. “Taipei, Shanghai he Zhongguo
xiaozi” (Taipei, Shanghai and Chinese
petty bourgeoisie). http://www.srcs.nctu.edu.tw/CSA2005/papers/0108_A1_1_Li.pdf
(accessed December 10, 2004).
Mao Jian. “Xiaozi
shi zenyang liancheng de” (How petty bourgeoisie is tempered). http://www.cul-studies.com/asp/list2.asp?id=1375&writer=maojian
(accessed December 30, 2004).
Sherman,
Barrie and Phil Judkins. Glimpses of
Heaven, Visions of Hell: Visual
Reality
and its implications. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1992.
Zheng Guoqing. “Anni Baobei,
‘xiaozi’ wenhua yu wenxue changyu de
bianhua”
(Anni Baobei, “petty
bourgeois” culture
and the changing literary field). Dangdai
zuojia pinlun (Criticism on contemporary writers) 6
(2003): 74-79.
[1] Unless otherwise noted, the translations are my own.
[2] For instance, Mian Mian and Wei Hui had their own websites. Mian Mian’s personal webpage was www.mianmian.com, and Wei Hui’s was http://goldnets.myrice.com/wh.
[3] As Wei Hui’s Shanghai Baby and Mian Mian’s Candy were banned, millions of curious readers clicked on various links of the web pages to have a peek at these controversial novels.
[4] Li Gan, Xiong Jialiang and Cai Shuxian, ed. Zhongguo dangdai wenxueshi (History of contemporary Chinese literature) (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 2004).
[5] Sherman, Barrie
and Phil Judkins, Glimpses of Heaven,
Visions of Hell: Visual
Reality and Its
Implications (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1992).
[6] Catherine Elwes, “Gender and Technology,”
Variant 15 (1993), 64-65.
[7] Kevin Robin, “Cyberspace and the World We
Live in,” in Cyberspace/Cyberbodies/Cyberpunk,
ed. Mike Featherstone and Roger Burrows, (London: Sage, 1995), 136-155.
[8] Mike Featherstone and Roger Burrows,
“Cultures of Technological Embodiment: An Introduction,” in Cyberspace/Cyberbodies/Cyberpunk, 1-19.
[9] The statistics, data and survey are available at the
website of China Internet Network Information Center: http://www.cnnic.net.cn/index/0E/00/11/index.htm.
I especially retrieved the statistics from “Zhongguo hulian wang fazhan
zhuangkuang tongji baogao” (Statistical report on internet development in
China) conducted on July 2000, available at http://www.cnnic.net.cn/download/2003/10/13/91748.pdf.
[10] Li Zhengliang, “Taipei, Shanghai he Zhongguo
xiaozi”(Taipei, Shanghai and Chinese petty bourgeoisie), http://www.srcs.nctu.edu.tw/CSA2005/papers/0108_A1_1_Li.pdf
(accessed December 27, 2004).
[11] “Anni Baobei fangtan: leng yu ren, lian yu wu” (Anni Baobei
interview: feeling cold towards people and
passionate about materials), Beijing
qingnian zhoukan (Beijing youth weekly), 11 November 2004, http://cul.sina.com.cn/s/2004-11-11/92653.html
(accessed December 27, 2004).
[12] Ah Mei, “xiaozi wuyu: bushi jiao ni zuo xiaozi” (Petty bourgeoisie story: not a guide to becoming petty bourgeoisie,” 8 October 2004, http://www.qdgdb.com/BaiWei/20041008/105642.htm
(accessed December 28, 2004).
[13] Zheng Guoqing, “Anni Baobei, ‘xiaozi’ wenhua yu wenxue
changyu de bianhua” (Anni
Baobei, petty bourgeoisie culture and the changing literary
field), Dangdai zuojia pinlun (Criticism
on contemporary writers) 6 (2003): 74-79.
[14] Mao Jian, “Xiaozi shi zenyang liancheng de” (How petty bourgeoisie is tempered), http://www.cul-studies.com/asp/list2.asp?id=1375&writer=maojian (accessed December 30, 2004).
[15] My personal interview with Li Jingze on July 29, 2004.
[16] Around 2000, quite a few internet “writing fellows,” such as Anni Baobei, Li Xunhuan, Nin Caishen and Xing Yusen, emerged. Yet most of them have become low-key figures as time goes on. This is related to various reasons such as the writers’ commitment and the quality of their writings. Anni Baobei, however, has always been quite active, as she has new books coming out every year. Her success, as I argued, is largely due to the xiaozi image she presents in the public as well as the related social imagination of an exotic “other.”