Adam Stephens
ENG 421 - Kiernan
Report 2
2 April 2002
There were very limited resources at my disposal to ascertain the value or historical significance of the Sion (Si) Manuscript. The very fact that little information exists on this manuscript seems significant to the Sion Manuscript’s historical impact.
From the information that I have gathered it appears that this manuscript is dated around 1460-1490. The general look of the manuscript writing is brown ink on vellum. The margins are particularly wide, with the text centered in single columns, typically 21-24 lines. The text is still in rather good condition, although the manuscript itself is somewhat damaged. Instead of the colorful and intricate illuminations that appear in the much admired Ellsmere Manuscript (El), the Sion Manuscripts only boasts large, colorless, initials for decoration. The writing, which is plain cursive, points to an East Midland or Northern origin. According to Manly and Rickert’s , The Text of the Canterbury Tales Studied on the Basis of All Known Manuscripts, the “Spelling features are: occasional f or ff for u(v) as in wyffely, selfyn; frequent v for medial u consonant; frequent aw, ow or au, ou; occasional ea as in please, and i final” (Manly and Rickert, v.1, 502). These cryptic details support the original scribe’s orientation not to be in Southeastern England (London specifically) like many of the other scribes of various Canterbury Tales manuscripts.
My finding the exact order of tales for the Sion Manuscript proved to be an inexact science. Although I could not find a specific list, or tale order, I did find certain discrepancies that made this manuscript unique. Perhaps the most awkward or startling difference between this manuscript’s tale order and other manuscripts, is its placement of the Clerk’s Tale. According to our modern understanding of the exact placement of the Clerk’s tale, it should be in Group E, coupled with the Merchant’s Tale. The Clerk’s Tale, as in The Riverside Chaucer, follows The Summoner's Prologue and Tale. In the Sion Manuscript the Clerk’s Tale is followed by Group D (The Wife of Bath's Prologue and Tale, The Friar's Prologue and Tale, and The Summoner's Prologue and Tale). This strange order contrasts the modern understanding as to how these particular tales interlock and are interpreted. In the Clerk’s Tale, The Clerk concludes his tale saying that all women should follow Griselda’s example (one of pure virtue), addressing his comments directly at the Wife of Bath.
If the Clerk’s Tale, as in the Sion Manuscript, comes before the Wife of Bath’s prologue and tale, how is this obvious link corrected, or amended? The end-link of the Clerk’s tale includes the Merchant, who voices his envy for King Walter, for he has experience of wives of a different sort. This end-link connects the Clerk’s tale with the following Merchant’s Tale. If the Clerk’s Tale, in the Sion Manuscript, is followed by the Wife of Bath’s Tale, how is his end-link resolved? According to Manly and Rickert, the “Clerk’s Tale was copied first; then Section D was obtained as a unit. Not until the scribe had finished copying it did he notice that the Clerk’s Tale should follow” (Manly & Rickert, v.1, 502).
Manly and Rickert, further explain how the scribe resolved this problem by stating “after D 2294 he therefore repeated the first line of the Clerk’s Tale head-link with a 2-line initial” (Manley & Rickert, v.1, 502). It appears that in the case of the Sion Manuscript’s strange placement of the Clerk’s Tale, the end result is the lack of availability of Group D to the scribe. While, modern audiences may be a bit at odds with a scribe not correcting what appears to be a faulty transcription of The Canterbury tales, the medieval idea of tale “mobility” must be considered before making and prejudgments. Medieval audiences were not as concerned about a particular tale order as modern audiences. Elizabeth Allen in her journal, The Pardoner in the Dogges Boure: Early Reception of the Canterbury Tales says that "instability of the text itself is a defining aspect of the historically different system of medieval poetics." (Allen). This “instability’ evidently wasn’t a concern for the Sion Manuscript scribe, because of his obvious insertion of the Clerk’s Tale head-link after D 2294. This edit should not devalue the Sion Manuscript, for modern audiences, but rather create a new tale order to be evaluated and reinterpreted. By looking at the Sion Manuscript’s particular tale order, and its use of “mobility” with the Clerk’s Tale, perhaps modern audiences can better grasp the Sion Manuscript contemporary audience’s, as Allen states, “different system of medieval poetics”.A contemporary manuscript with the Sion Manuscript, The Selden Arch b 14 (Se) Manuscript, was produced around 1450-1470. Much like the Sion Manuscript, the Selden Manuscript is copied on vellum, although the finish is curiously glossy. The Selden Manuscript, at present, is in excellent condition, as a result of cleaning by preservationists. Although measures have been taken to preserve this text, The manuscript is “mutilated” and ends at I 1086 (Manley & Rickert, v.1, 494). Like the Sion Manuscript, the Selden Manuscript lacks the heavy ornamentation that is evident in early Canterbury Tales manuscripts, such as the Hengwrt 154 Manuscript (Hg), and the Ellesmere Manuscript (El). In place of highly decorated illuminations, the Selden Manuscript has small ornamental initials that are used primarily as paragraph markers. The general writing of the text, is in a dark brown ink, however a few passages are in lighter ink. The writing itself does pose an interesting question, not because of the change of ink hue, but rather the penmanship of the writer(s). The writing begins small, but gradually becomes larger and more slanted, until it appears as though there is a different scribe writing (Manly & Rickert, v. 1, 496). The letter form, however, does appear to be uniform, thus supporting the evidence of a singular scribe. This mysterious scribe’s language shows signs of a Southeastern locality, with further signs of a Northern Influence. While the habitation of the scribe is generally agreed upon by most Chaucerian’s, the name and relative association of the scribe who penned the Selden Manuscript still remains a mystery. There is, however, certain clue that may resolve this puzzling quandary. There are several names inked in the Selden Manuscript. One name that appears to be the most promising lead is “Edmund La Cleark”, found on f.127 (Manly & Rickert, v.1, 498). This signature agrees with the name “E Clerke”, that appears on the Privy Seal. Another unique element is the presence of church music on the front and back flyleaves, as well as three leaves of a calendar. It is believes that the music and calendar, which were copied by the same hand, were produced in the same shop as the Selden Manuscript (Manley & Rickert, v.1, 497)
The Tale order of the Selden Manuscript is as follows: Pro-Kt-L-Mi-L-Re-L-Ck L-Cl-b WB-L-Fr-L-Su L-Me-L-L-Sq-1*(First 8 lines of a Sq-Wb link) L-Ml-Sh-L-Pr-L-TH-L-Mel-L-Mk-L-NP SN-L-CY-f-Ph-L-Pd Fk L-Mc L-Ps R. Much like the Sion Manuscript, the Clerk’s Tale, is located between the Cook’s Tale, and the Wife of Bath’s Tale. Fragment b is used as a link between the Clerk’s Tale and the Wife of Bath’s Tale. The Man of Law’s Tale, which in the Riverside Edition of the Canterbury Tales, is located after the Clerk’s Tale, is located before the Shipman’s Tale. This coupling of the Man of Law’s Tale and the Shipman’s Tale, provides an interesting connection on a literal level. The Man of Law’s Tale recounts the travels and tribulation of Lady Constance, who prevails because of her constant (hence the name) faith in Christianity. The Shipman’s Tale, illustrates the ecclesiastical establishment in a rather absurd and negative light. By placing these tales next to one another, audiences are given two very contrasted views of piety and the stewards of God’s word. Another tale order difference from the Riverside Edition is the Physician’s Tale position after the Canon Yeoman’s Tale. The Physician’s Tale, on the literal level, is about honor even in the most difficult of situations. The Canon Yeoman’s Tale is about the cunning trick of a Canon, using a ruse to make it appear as though a branch could be turned into silver. The coupling of these tales, perhaps, speaks of the scribe’s (or the audience contemporary with the Selden manuscript) view of alchemy as dishonorable trickery. Alchemists’ main goal in the middle ages was to turn base medals into precious medals. This use of arcane science could be seen as outside of God’s providence, and therefore blasphemous. By placing the Physician’s Tale after the Canon Yeoman’s Tale, the scribe could have provided a rebuttal of the Canon’s dishonorable science, with Virginius’s unshakeable honor.
Manly, John M. and Edith Rickert, et al. The Text of the Canterbury Tales Studied on the Basis of All Known Manuscripts. 8 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1940.
Allen, Elizabeth. The Pardoner in the "Dogges Boure": Early Reception of the Canterbury Tales. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997
Prendergast, Thomas ed. And Kline, Barara ed. Rewriting Chaucer: Culture, Authority, and the Idea of the Authentic Text 1400-1602. Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Press., 1999